14 May 2010

How will a Hung Parliament affect the Third Sector?

After 96 hours of horse trading and negotiations, the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats finally came together to form a coalition government. As the parties assign posts and priorities, what are the implications for the charitable and voluntary sector?

Some have suggested that a hung parliament could benefit the sector as charities may find it easier to shape and influence public policy. However, with an emergency budget due within 50 days, programmes for 2010-2011 still hang in the balance for many. Businesses, local authorities, and charities are finding it difficult to make long term decisions.

The success of any coalition government will largely rest on the degree of agreement between the parties forming the coalition. Francis Maude is the newly appointed Minister for the Cabinet Office, and Nick Hurd has just been confirmed as the new Charities Minister. We also know Nick and Jenny Wilmott (Conservative and Liberal Third Sector spokespeople respsctively) seem to broadly agree on the need to reform the administration of Gift Aid, set up a Social Investment Bank, and open up the delivery of services to the voluntary sector. Of course, the sector will need to use its persuasive powers across the political sphere, since Labour could yet be in a strong position at the time of the next election and that could be sooner that the five year fived term being proposed.

The National Council for Voluntary Organisations (NVCO) has invited third sector leaders to a summit to consider the impact of the new coalition Government on charities. This is widely anticipated to discuss how the Third Sector leads the way within David Cameron’s ‘Big Society’ vision for the UK.

This could be a new dawn for the Third Sector. On the surface there seems a broad consensus in working towards the same outcomes – the difference in opinions seems to be who has the best ideas to deliver them in timely fashion for the good of the sector.

Priya Shah, Consultant, Linstock Communications
http://www.linstockcommunications.com/

7 May 2010

The day the electorate jilted the Lib Dems

Linstock Associate Ben Rich, ex Deputy Policy Director of the Liberal Democrats and Vice Chair of the Policy Committee, bemoans what might have been on election night.

We Liberal Democrats are used to the occasional flirtation with us by voters between elections: the occasional by-election victory that sets Peter Snow’s swingometer all a-quiver.

We have even had the odd period of elongated engagement, most notably during the height of the alliance, although even then by the time of the 1983 election, we knew the love had gone from the relationship.

Yet this time it was different. This time it was for keeps. The minister was booked, the flowers arranged and the invitations sent out. Despite the odd pre-marital jitters the electorate seemed to have decided this time to see it through.

And then came the day itself. We got all dressed up, gave the rings to the best man and made it to the church in good time. All our friends were waiting to cheer us on and then, at the very last minute the electorate left us standing at the alter.

A friend said to me “you Lib Dems, you’ve been cheated again.” Yes, but not by the electoral system – we all know the system is loaded against us. This time it’s the electorate that has cheated us, left us all dressed up with nowhere to go.

What happened yesterday? There were no fewer than nine opinion polls in the previous 24 hours, showing the Liberal Democrats on a solid 27-28 per cent of the vote. With the occasional ups and downs, this had pretty much been the picture since the third leaders debate. Although our share had slipped from the highs achieved after that first debate, this would have represented a massive advance for the party.

Then, election day and around 20% of our voters (with the honourable exception of Redcar – I must go there) simply went awol.

When push came to shove, in the privacy of the polling booth, the British electorate suffered a collective chronic loss of courage. Some looked left, some right, and simply could not believe that things could really be different. With, I suspect, a collective sigh they choose to vote against what they most feared, rather than for what they actually believed in.

I would say that, would I? Well I suppose so, but then so did the electorate. Even in the week of the election itself nigh on 40 percent were telling pollsters that they would vote Liberal Democrat if they believed we could win in their area. Oh, the agony, I shout, “if you voted for us, we would win!”

But if not now, when? Self-evidently, never again will there be a first ever election debate with all its possibilities for a third party. The old parties have been warned, and the electorate will be less easily bedazzled.

And without such a transformational event is it possible to imagine under this electoral system the circumstances in which – given this experience – voters might ever believe that their neighbour, and their neighbour, will have the courage to vote for the Liberal Democrats, rather than simply against their worst fears?

So I find myself, this morning after, with all the pain of the jilted lover thinking what’s the point? Under this electoral system, the voters will never feel able to give us a break. And so I say to my leaders, if this political impasse opens up even the slightest opportunity to change that system, be self-interested for once - grab it with two hands.

Because, if we don’t, politics will go on the same for ever. Forever, these two old parties and no others. And that, quite, quite clearly is not what the public actually wants or they’d have jumped into bed with one or other of them last night.

And also, because I can’t go through that again. Better, maybe to have loved and lost than never to have loved at all, but I’m for grabbing the bride’s train as she flees down the aisle and clinging on for dear life.

http://www.linstockcommunications.com/

Were you up for Lembit?

So there was no castration of Balls but cheeky Lembit did meet his political maker. As did other heavyweights like Charles Clarke, Jacqui Smith and Mike O'Brien. But Labour held on strongly in a number of key marginals to prevent a Conservative majority.
It was an extraordinary night with some extraordinary results. With swings varying greatly across the country it was hard to predict any result.

The one thing you could predict was that each party would carefully control and manage the message. Within minutes of the exit poll Labour Ministers were checking their blackberries and repeating the mantra that this showed overwhelming support for electoral reform. The Lib Dems were disputing the polling figures while the Conservatives were calling it a rejection of the Labour Party.

But not all MPs could be kept on message. Ex-Labour Minister David Blunkett was the first to discard the official line in the early hours and call it a defeat for his party.

The question is will the public accept the lines being used by the respective parties? With over 600 seats now declared it is clear the Conservatives will become the largest party. The constitutional convention dictates the sitting Prime Minister, in the event of a hung parliament, has the first shot at forming a coalition. But can they come to an agreement with the Liberals? And will the public support such a partnership?

Those are the questions of the day. Let the horse trading begin!

Tony Cox Linstock Consultant
http://www.linstockcommunications.com/

6 May 2010

A sector approach needs commitment - as seen in PR week 7 May 2010

Richard Millar’s restructuring of Hill and Knowlton (News, 30 April) is sound corporate strategy and good news for clients if it’s based on genuine staff expertise. The sector approach means clients get more from consultants from day one – intelligent advice, policy understanding, and good relationships with key journalists and third parties. The model has underpinned Linstock’s growth.

But the sector approach requires commitment. When a client’s in house team is organised by discipline, structural realities can make a sector specialist harder to buy. If the head of media relations has an agency on board, the head of public affairs may be reluctant to hire a cross-disciplinary consultancy.

In our experience, there’s no point trying to cut your cake in every direction by switching to a single discipline approach (however good your credentials). All you can do is make a second case on your own terms and accept that you can’t win them all. Fortunately, what you do win is more interesting and rewarding work. Head to head, sector expertise will overcome generic, recycled assertions every time.

Jon Bennett Director of Linstock Communications
http://www.linstockcommunications.com/